Paper presented at symposium “Discovery: Meanings, Legitimations, Critiques,” Madison, Wisconsin, September 25–27, 1992. Second, since the rhetorical mechanisms by which interpretive strategies are formed are often below the threshold of awareness of speakers, writers, and listeners, they provide insights into the cultural landscape within which they were formed that often exceed the explicit statements of the participants, even where these are available. La mala suerte es algo que puede ocurrir en cualquier momento del Rally Dakar a lo largo de una etapa, pero más complicado es que suceda en mitad del vivac. Some authors, such as Motolinía, Peter Martyr, and Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, describe the manuscript tradition and mention many of the types.1 The painted books can be grouped roughly into three broad categories—religious books and guides for living, historical books, and practical documents—although the categories overlap. 31 The daily round in the Andes according to Guaman Poma: “Indians. 287 Frank Salomon Fig. El joven Rafael atiende muy bien y la comida y aperitivos muy buenos. This was the beginning of a campaign against those lineages in the Andean elite that had collaborated with the invaders, an effort to destroy the European evidence of what the Spanish crown had once bestowed.3 The only other group to be treated so harshly by Toledo were the descendants of another wing of the Andean elite who also sided from the earliest days with the invaders. 104 Colonial Andean Images and Objects Fig. se dana el mays. Viuda de Murguía e Hijos, Mexico. See Wood n.d.a. . 13 On this, see Ashtor (1983: 24, 173ff; 1976: 240ff ). Ayer MS 1484. These “texts” or symbolic forms of native culture therefore are not just “the fragments of a deep-lying ship wreck” nor is their study a “science of the end of things” (Kubler 1961: 14).They, instead, exist as the forceful cultural presence of native place and identity within the colonial world. Another Rojas from Tepoztlan, Mariano Jacobo Rojas, left his town and made a place for himself at the National University. DIBBLE, CHARLES E.: see Codex Xolotl 1980. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. See also Cuauhtitlan of Puebla, 427, 428 anonymous annalist of, 426 of Tlaxcala, 428 Appadurai, Arjun, 94 aquilla, aquillas, 114, 116, 122, 123, 124, 125–130, 133, 134, 458 Arguedas, José María, 383, 386 artisan-painters, 346 Atahualpa Andean concept of book as gift, 97, 142 Atlauhtla, 211, 214 títulos of, 215 Atocha, 122, 124, 128, 130, 458 silver bowl, 131 silver plate, 120–122 Atunpucuy. WARFARE IN THE CLASSICAL WORLD 6 and 7). The efficiency of that thrust south was attributed by many to Pawllu Thupa’s ability to mobilize the lords of Charcas, the region known today as Bolivia.4 For his services, Pawllu had been allowed to keep “his Indians,” coca-leaf terraces, food-producing fields, and much other Inka wealth. assembled at that time in a sincere effort to document their noble status and legitimate right to hold office. His city of Tenochtitlan, becoming known as Mexico, was the “cabeza y señora de toda la tierra.” Motolinía also named and ranked other important cities in the Basin of Mexico: Texcoco was second, Tlacopan was third, Cuauhtitlan was fourth, Coyoacan was fifth, and in addition to these there were other cities that he named but did not rank. 19a Silver Inka colonial plate from the Atocha, before 1622. 1). It however quickly became a part of Andean coats of arms with one of the earliest granted to the descendants of Huyana Capac by Charles V in 1545 (Montoto de Sedes 1927: 300–305). It For specific details, see Karttunen and Lockhart 1976, Karttunen 1982 and 1985. In my view, the task of Andean historical ethnography is to determine how native Andeans have continually repositioned themselves given continually changing forces of social and cultural domination. In reality, at the core of primordial titles is a thoroughly indigenous vision that appears to have a decidedly preconquest origin and a very broad set of purposes and functions. 110 Qatiqiykipaq munaylla Hatun sunqupas hayrampu K’umuykuqkunapaq llamp’u Wakchay khuya Wichq’aykusqa kusi muya Qhapaq yayap khaynakuna Yupay t’ika, akllakuna Jesus puriqchiq uruya Pillqu ch’antaq k’anchaq khuya Suyakunqay Zapallaykin q’imikunqay Kanki mama, kay pachapi Ña wañuptiy huq pachapi Kusikuyman thatkikunqay Q’uchukayman yaykuykunqay Qhapaq punku Animayta uturunku Qallu llullmiywan llullaspa Pallqu kawzayman pupaspa Muyupuwan ch’unku-ch’unku. For Santos Reyes: AGN T 3032, 3: 277r (“tiJetilestlaca”). By these precedents Guaman Poma is able to introduce himself in this section as “don Phelipe de Ayala, princípe, autor desta dicha corónica.” Here then he gives a textual connection between his presumed colonial status and ancient precedent using the same combination of elements that appear visually in the portada (Guaman Poma 1980: 462, fol. 1964 The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico, 1519 –1810. ): 187–208. North Point Press, San Francisco. DE CERTEAU, MICHEL 1986 Heterologies: Discourses on the Other (Brian Massumi, trans. See also Historia de la nación Chichimeca; Historia ToltecaChichimeca Chichimeca Teuctli, 253 Chicomoztoc, 183 Chilam Balam, Books of. 56 Litigation over the Rights of “Natural Lords” display the credentials testifying to their services to the Spanish crown. 5). 62 Family Values in Seventeenth-Century Peru Family Values in Seventeenth-Century Peru IRENE SILVERBLATT DUKE UNIVERSITY T HIS PAPER LOOKS AT “FAMILY VALUES” in the seventeenth-century Peruvian Andes and their role in the colonial culture wars. 29r–42r. BERDAN, FRANCES F., AND PATRICIA RIEFF ANAWALT (EDS.) Certainly they were not central to Nahua thought or action, although they do exemplify the perceived centrality of the manuscript painting tradition to indigenous life, and they help us understand why so many other postconquest pictorial forms did continue to be important. 27 The ritual of blessing and distributing the ashes, which are obtained by burning the palm fronds or other branches that had been used during the preceding Palm Sunday, is described in the Tridentine Missale Romanum (1560) under the heading “proprium de tempore,” for Ash Wednesday (feria quarta cinerum). It was also a protracted compromise. And here, as Salomon suggests, is the legacy of the strength of tradition in which writing never had a place in the Andes as it did in Mexico. Hispanic American Historical Review 75 (4): 397–622. In The Inca and Aztec States, 1400 –1800: Anthropology and History (George A. Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. All three amend Pérez Bocanegra’s text silently, in part to avoid problems in translation. 2, chap. 2, 2: 7–46. Thus one finds in this lot of colonial Andean silver objects a whole set of images that appeal both to Andean and specifically Inka symbols and rituals as well as to contemporary heraldic signs and topographical references. The movement of the moon underlay the timing of several Inka festivals, in particular Citua, which began on the first day of the new moon and was subdivided by the different days of the moon’s phases. In addition, the imagery forms an internal configuration, especially around the celestial terms, though a configuration that is unsystematic and open-ended. The particles are all more or less on the same order as those seen in Nahuatl except for a -mente adverb of manner, heréticamente, “in a heretical fashion.” Further work will be required to settle the issue, but I have the impression that the text includes some calques on Spanish phrases. The central brocade in the shawl is the execution of Thupa Amaru.22 Thupa Amaru was a leader of the massive rebellion in 1780, which spread through much of highland Peru and Bolivia, where it continued for several years after his capture and death. Jeronimo de Oré (1598: fols. America is always a text of the “encounter” mediated by European representation and therefore always inaccessible in any other form. Describing the June celebration of Inti Raymi, during which the kurakas and the Inka celebrated together in a series of toasts using aquillas and keros, he 142 Colonial Andean Images and Objects This is as true today as it was then. In terms of colonization patterns, there are three different types that I would like to discuss.The first was that adopted by the Italian merchants of the Middle Ages, primarily those of Venice and Genoa. Finally, the conditions of conquest—the rapidity of conquest, the patterns of settlement that followed it—can help determine the outcome.As far as the native populations are concerned, their part in the relationship is conditioned by a variety and combination of factors. Since early documen- 37 James Lockhart tation and lexical work are more scarce for Maya than for Nahuatl, it could be that a fully developed Stage 1 in Maya would simply escape our notice. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Quedamos encantados! ing to such categories as history, gods and religion, burial customs, and the like (Robertson 1966). In fact, even though many communities were at odds with their neighbors regarding disputed boundaries, it is known that they sometimes cooperated in the face of a common outside enemy. GREENBLATT, STEPHEN 1991 Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World. 12 vols. Deliciosa comida y refrescos novedosos, todo bellamente presentado. Because this event is one of the last in the original history as it was painted by the first artist, I strongly suspect that the Tira was painted with this threat to its status in mind.The original artist clearly drafted the Tira to recall Tepexpan’s long history, noble lineage, and links to the royal line at Tenochtitlan and also to show the unbroken succession of the lords; this happened in the 1550s. Then, Toledo wrote directly about Hernando Pillohuanca: as the said “visitador” states according to his opinion [Hernando Pillohuanca] to be of age, ability, and capacity, and of good example for occupying the said cacicazgo consistent with what is said, therefore using the powers invested in me by his majesty I give favor to the said sir Hernando Pillohuanca . ANDERSON, ARTHUR J. O., AND CHARLES E. DIBBLE 1982 Florentine Codex. 10). (Salomon and Urioste 1991 [1608? 361 Louise M. Burkhart imagined, between specific rites or between specific Pre-Columbian deities and Christian saints. Historia Mexicana 39: 603–605. The descendants of town founders may have wanted to keep their own record of their ancestors’ activities as a source of family pride. 14). 17 Codex Xolotl, map 1 (after Dibble 1980). Some of the very specific dates that can enter a títulos text, such as “Thursday of the month, 15th of February in the year 1524,” or “Today, the 22nd day of the month of April, in 1557. . Ocelotzin’s land apparently passed first to his descendant Cuauhtliztactzin, and then to that man’s two sons who are pictured and textually named below; they are Don Pedro Chichimecateuctli (perhaps the same Chichimecateuctli who fought with distinction on the side of Cortés)28 and Teohuaonohualli. From that moment on, native Andeans became the objects of encompassing discourses that have not only shaped colonial and national policies toward the native peoples but, in the legal and commercial arenas, also determined the fates of individual households and communities. 13 vols. ): 349–361. 25a One of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. 1965 Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society. In On the Translation of Native American Literatures (Brian Swann, ed. They all joined their armies to conquer other towns and established garrisons with men representing all three groups, becoming thereby “señores de toda la tierra” (Pomar 1986: 93). 9 A page from the Libro de los Cantares de Dzitbalche, a manuscript collection of undated colonial Maya poems. The three cities also appear as a group in a 1539 inquisitorial proceeding against Don Carlos, an idolator who claimed to be a descendant of Nezahualcoyotl (a Pre-Hispanic ruler of Texcoco), although there is no confirming evidence for this (Pomar 1986: 46). The myths of Huarochirí provide the first indication of how interregional relationships between Andean religious beings were imagined to exist. 53 Regarding the “force of the wine” from which Indians died, Guaman Poma made the point that wine ought not to be sold to Indians (1980: 1140). After the conquest, “history” was necessarily modified as an adjustment to the new conditions of society. Given their circumstances, acquiescence to conversion was, paradoxically, an effective form of resistance to colonialism. Covert texts were copied, delivered, and read in secret, unintended for European eyes. 5), and similar representations occur elsewhere in the Corónica (1980: 246). The evidence suggests that the Alliance appears most prominently and formally in the late-sixteenth-century Acolhua historical accounts, whose authors insisted that Texcoco was on par with Tenochtitlan and came up with a “historical” justification for that assertion. Seville. 38 Silver plate from Cuzco, 1674. The gap between principle and practice of Spanish religious/political ethics was nowhere more obvious than in the terrain of buenas costumbres. In Documentos inéditos del siglo XVI para la historia de México (Mariano Cuevas, ed. Her 440 Indigenous Writing as a Vehicle of Postconquest Continuity and Change descriptions of the shooting war that erupted in Milpa Alta just after her school held its centennial celebration and of a flash flood that swept away the Chalma pilgrims in 1935 are as vivid as anything her colonial-period predecessors wrote (Horcasitas 1968: part 2; Horcasitas and O. de Ford 1979: chap. 5). Referring to Aztec judges on the local level, Sahagún (bk. Te van a sorprender gratamente los adecuados precios de este lugar. Concha Sica, the village of Pre-Hispanic design in lower center, draws water from Yanascocha or Yansa Lake (upper center) via a reservoir. All the way that the procession has to pass they have decorated It should be kept in mind that, for the native people themselves at this time, ethnic affiliation was principally a matter of altepetl, or city-state, membership. Molina’s Camay quilla witnessed the conclusion of the Inka ceremonies of initiating young men which were followed by a ritual of throwing sacrificial ashes that had been stored throughout the year for this purpose into the small river Capimayo in Cuzco.30 Along with the ashes went coca, cloth, sandals, headbands, featherwork, llamas, flowers, and precious metals. BOUYSSE-CASSAGNE, THÉRÈSE, WITH PHILIPPE BOUYSSE 1988 Lluvias y Cenizas. 5 Pictorial image from the títulos of Cuixingo (Chalco region). Human and animal sacrifices were, of course, forbidden; self-mortification took the form of self-flagellation rather than bloodletting.Yet even in these new and modified forms of devotion we can see the continuity with the Pre-Columbian ceremonial cycle: collective, public performances conducted by social groups within a calendrically-determined ceremonial period, during which temporary manifestations of a divine presence were effected through the ritualized investment and divestment of persons, images, and spaces with sacred regalia. UCLA Historical Journal 11: 122–130. Like Doña Luz Jiménez, several of the current writers are from Milpa Alta and its outlying villages. The committee members then rigged the boat to receive its sail. Photograph © Macduff Everton. Calling Indian women “whores,” women without virtue, Guaman Poma bemoaned their treachery and betrayal: Some [of these Indian women], since they have been cooks for the priest or encomendero or corregidor, or any Spaniard, [and] has been [sic] a servant, mistress, or had a child by him, or has fornicated with a Spaniard, mestizo or negro, mulato, these aforementioned Indian women end up being liars, thieves, great whores, lazy. Simon and Schuster, New York. Though formed in an oral tradition, it is inordinately complex. Matienzo, a crown justice at the Audiencia of Charcas, was frequently active away from his court. CLINE, S. L., AND MIGUEL LEÓN-PORTILLA (EDS.) interfered with an absolute equation of tlatoani communities with the colonial cabeceras.” The first was that Spaniards used the term señores, señores principales, señores naturales or caciques rather than tlatoani. Public affronts to dignity and the scandalous behavior associated with disgrace and infamy were gendered in the world of honor and virtue. 1996 Subaltern Studies in the Americas. ; Irving A. Leonard, trans.). ): 9–39. K’anchaq rawraq, zuma killa Chiqan p’unchawpa ziqaynin Hinantimpa suyakuynin Qam millaqpaq ch’uqi illa 65 Mana yawyaq pampa killa Diospa llaqtan 12. Mistura Grill carta. University of Texas Press, Austin. . He was a faithful devotee who dedicated himself to the construction of a new chapel after buying the property. . . The Macmillan Company, New York. . The Augustinian Grijalva saw so little hope for the native people’s spiritual advancement that he interpreted the recurrent epidemics as being in the people’s best interest. I then show that the same rhetorical forms used in the second song are at play in a contemporary textile. The ideas expressed here have been greatly clarified by discussions with these colleagues, although I remain responsible for their explication. It appears that the two idols at once opposed and complemented each other, since Copacabana, on the lakeshore, represented the water from Hurin-Below, while Copacati, on a hilltop, symbolized the rain or the deity of water from Above or Hanan. In Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México ( Joaquín García Icazbalceta, ed.) Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif. HARRISON, REGINA 1992 “True” Confessions: Quechua and Spanish Cultural Encounters in the Viceroyalty of Peru, Latin American Studies Series 5, University of Maryland, College Park. December. Estudios de cultura náhuatl 20: 311–369. Numerous examples have survived, most of them preserved because they had been submitted during the course of later seventeenth- and eighteenth-century land disputes to the viceregal authorities as substitutes for lost or non-existent Spanish-language titles (royal grants, bills of sale, and the like).2 Despite the fact that primordial titles rarely conformed to accepted Ibe1 The best description of the títulos genre is found in Lockhart 1991, but see also Gibson 1975: 320–321. And it also seems to me that symbiosis was easier in the merchant colonies, and that by the same token the adaptations of native society were more considerable, even if restricted to particular kinds of activity. Vols. Under the right conditions, even a reversal of the sequence is imaginable. Poet who knows the wheel of the sun and of the moon and eclipse, and about the stars and comets, about Sunday, month and year, and about the four winds of the world to sow the crops from of old.” As a sign of his learning, the wise man Juan Yunpa from Uchuc Marca carries a quipu (after Guaman Poma 1980: 883). The traditions detailed the individual histories of the major groups and included the events (such as divisions of ancestral stocks, battles, intermarriages) that symbolized in narrative form each group’s perceptions of its relationships with the other peoples. As in the phallcha song, every level of patterning, from the most minute to the most extensive, is implicated. In Illuminations [1955] (H. Arendt, ed. Muy dulce y amable! Essentially, he wrote his textual history to “exalt Amaquemecan Chalco, to let everyone, but especially the [Nahuas], know what an important place it was” (Schroeder 1991: xvi, 22–23, 201). Se recomienda este restaurante porque tiene muy buena atención y el local es acogedor. Christian worship and labor organized by and for Spaniards occurred during the hours that were measured on a clock. The same motivations that drove the painters of postconquest histories com- 190 Pictorial Documents and Visual Thinking in Postconquest Mexico pelled the later indigenous historians writing in words. In both, there is layer upon layer of repetition of the same figure of reversal, from the grossest level of patterning to the smallest detail. Hay alguna posibilidad aún?? Several translations of Hanaq pachap kusikuynin have been published in literary anthologies, including Beltrán (1891: 55–63), Lara (1969: 220–222), and Sichra and Cáceres Romero (1990: 116–123, after Beltrán). They eschewed Europe and Western notions of universality and focused instead on the richness and diversity of indigenous America. N.P., Mexico. While there were some ad hoc instances of warfare waged by only the “Alliance” cities, the sources are contradictory regarding which battles were so fought. 11 Calendar for the month of November from the Missale Romanum (1560). European alphabetic texts preserve the words, sentences, and paragraphs of a spoken language. With considerable reluctance, Otazo did so. When the Spaniards conquered the Aztecs, they in effect replaced the native “emperor” with the Spanish king. Meanwhile, the massive, long-term work of remembering past titles and practices and rehabilitating them for colonial use took place in other theaters. . The hymn, Hanaq pachap kusikuynin, appears untranslated at the end of Juan de Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario, published in 1631. 274r. 13: chap. 3: 67; bk. 8), in a distinctive artistic style, this subset of the títulos tradition is the most controversial. Correspondingly, a growing desire to define and control sexual activities was carried to the Andes, where it was given vivid expression in the catechisms, confession manuals, and sermons inspired by the Third Lima Council. 2nd ed. The manuscript reads (fol. 33v, 37, 39). 425 Frances Karttunen and intended primarily for future reference within the community, these were public documents. The Relaciones transcribed in the early 1530s at the behest of the conquistador Juan Cano may be one of the first such uses of pictorial histories. See also Aztec Techialoyan Codices or texts. After many teasing feints, the dancers circling with the boat held aloft actually reached the water’s edge (Fig. E. Leroux, Paris. 240. 85 Irene Silverblatt BIBLIOGRAPHY AAL ADC ACC BN ARCHIVO DEL ARZOBISPADO DE LIMA ARCHIVO DEPARTAMENTAL DE CUZCO ARCHIVO COLONIAL DE CIENCAS BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LIMA ACOSTA, JOSÉ DE 1954a Escritos menores [ca. When Tenochtitlan fell to the Spanish, Tlatolatl spirited this heavy idol out of the city and took it to the house of Oquicin, the ruler of Azcapotzalco, for safety; at the time, Oquicin and a principal named Tlilacin were the guardians of four other idols: those of Cihuacoatl, Telpochtli, Tlatlauhque Tezcatlipoca, and Tepehua. . NORMANN, ANNE WHITED n.d. Testerian Codices: Hieroglyphic Catechisms for Native Conversion in New Spain. el Sitio es super armonico, la musica... Super recomendado... uno de los mejores lugares de Cuzco! For this they have their captains and overseers, whom they call telpochtlatoque.8 And it is permitted, seeing how there is no superstition in it, but just an ancient custom. 10 Durán (1971: 69) and Alva Ixtlilxochitl (1975–77, 2: 146) mention manuscripts that seem to be biographies rather than altepetl histories. 1 Location of major cities and ethnic groups around the Lake Texcoco system in the Basin of Mexico (after Gibson 1964: map 2). It is far more complex and introverted in its structural organization than Hanaq pachap kusikuynin. Once word of these deaths filtered back to the capital city, the idols were moved again by two lords whom Mateos identified as the Mexican tlacochcalcatl (military leader) named Hanauhacacin and the ruler of Tollan named Yxcuecueci. . 28 Christian month of May. Appraisals were made in the public arena, and Peru’s forums, where judgments of honor framed relations between Indian and Spaniard, were legion. MEDINA, JOSÉ TORIBIO 1959 Historia del Tribunal de la Inquisición de Lima, 1569 –1820. 359 Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico Pious Performances: Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico LOUISE M. BURKHART THE UNIVERSITY AT ALBANY STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK I General History of the Things of New Spain, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún wrote: N THE PROLOGUE TO HIS I do not believe there have been in the world idolaters to such a degree venerators of their gods, nor at such great cost to themselves as these of this New Spain. Nor should Nahua Christianity be seen as a unified and systematized body of dogma and practice. Rolena Adorno (1986: 32–51) analyzes how Guaman Poma formulated this judgment in moral and political terms. Oxford oxz 6DP Oxford University Press is a departrnenl, Sanity in the World of Darkness Game: Original World of Darkness 7 Elizabeth Hill Boone John Murra brings the issue of cultural similarity to the local and individual level in his discussion of how the Andean “native lords” attempted to retain power and prestige by working within the Spanish legal and administrative system. . 1941 Landa’s Relación de las cosas de Yucatan. The “Motolinía Insert” is an explanation for a now-lost pictographic rendition of the towns tributary to Texcoco. 1 Motolinía, in the introductory letters to his Historia (1951: 74–75) and Memoriales (1971: 5), speaks of the five types of books the Aztecs had. The illustration of native leader Don Jacinto Cortés with his real or imagined coat of arms (Fig. Indeed research has not fully sounded these deposits. See also bilingualism; Italy glyphs. 31). ; Agustín Millares Carlo, trans.). For example, the flourishing of the Marian cult among the natives was accompanied by the appearance of a manuscript in Nahuatl attributed to an illustrious native, Don Antonio Valeriano, a former student of the Franciscan Colegio de Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco, who was related to the family of Moctezuma II. School of American Research, Santa Fe, N.M., and University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. To the contrary, the historical and practical genres seem to have remained surprisingly intact at least through the end of the sixteenth century, this despite the destruction of many metropolitan centers, the overwhelming demographic collapse, and the new Spanish political order. Hiperión, Madrid. They swore to the truth represented here, their statements were written in Nahuatl directly on the paintings; the court’s Nahuatl interpreter offered the Spanish translation, and that too was transcribed on the paintings; finally, the indigenous authorities and the court clerk all affirmed the proceeding and signed. 4, exp. Most importantly, the images systematically do not appeal to the written word. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico. In Five Centuries of Law and Politics in Central Mexico (Ronald Spores and Ross Hassig, eds. But the process of evangelization inspired in him a certain hope that some at least of the ills he had observed could be remedied because, so he felt, Christian teaching highlighted everything that he viewed as positive in Andean culture and the Andean past. Sometimes this forced explicitude gives native testimony 10 Tom Abercrombie has studied a rare case of questioned translation process in connection with kurakas’ challenge to the perpetuity of encomienda near Cuzco in the early 1560s: the defense lawyer for the accused rebel natives averred that they had been presented a Quechua translation of the term “perpetuity” which semantically implied slavery, to which they were not legally subject, and therefore in rebelling had acted legally to the best of their knowledge (1992). Me encanto todo, la crema de tomate estaba en su punto, la torta de chocolate increible! Hispanic American Historical Review 36 (1): 1–27. 215 The Social vs. Legal Context of Nahuatl Títulos fill in where local memory was sketchy. Little, Brown, Boston. CODEX OSUNA 1973 Pintura del gobernador, alcaldes y regidores de Mexico (Vicenta Cortes Alonso, trans. 14). University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 1990b Réplica: Hacia una reinterpretación de la historia mesoamericana a través del mito. 27, 214a): “Al tercero mes llamaban hatunpucuy, en que es la fuerza de las aguas.” Cobo’s phrasing, unusual in Spanish, suggests that he is quoting some Andean source and that Guaman Poma drew on similar material. 231 Susan D. Gillespie The Aztec Triple Alliance: A Postconquest Tradition SUSAN D. GILLESPIE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA–CHAMPAIGN I INTRODUCTION Amerindian peoples continued to use their preconquest traditions to adjust to Spanish conquest and colonialism, one must first be able to distinguish those traditions from their postconquest counterparts. Sanmarti y Ca, Lima. In past years, I was told, these parts entailed wearing costumes including the cotona or women’s tunic, considered a symbol of ancient culture. That is, whatever was occurring in the development of the cult of El Señor de los Milagros, it was at a social level that did not necessitate it being noticed as important within writings of the viceregal court. (1980: 199) Keeping women chaste was half the key to Pre-Columbian social order; the other half lay in “marrying well,” which for Guaman Poma meant ensuring women married their social equivalents. Such statements are proforma in the acquisition of rights as granted in Spanish documents so that nearly one hundred years later and more than a thousand miles to the north one finds in the document for the toma de posesión of the cacica Doña 106 Colonial Andean Images and Objects The good kuraka thus describes himself as a courtly Spaniard in clothes, speech, and manners, even though the status of such acculturated decorum is beholding to the ability to establish hereditary links to traditional authority. Engravings in Valadés’s Rhetorica christiana of 1579 show this practice in action (Fig. Some were called for morphologically (e.g., line 48, Runapmarcan), but others were less straightforward and may affect the translation (e.g., line 84, Huacchaicuya). This raises the question of why and how the Testerians came to be, and the answer, I believe, lies in European notions of instructing and converting infidels, especially those with a strong pictorial tradition. These plays were part of an effort by provincial elites of Spanish descent to assert their legitimacy within a Quechua field of reference and thereby legitimize their vast landholdings. Cloudflare Ray ID: 78778aceb8795319 See Christ: as El Señor de los Milagros Cristo Morado, 350, 353, 354, 356 Cristóbal de Mena La Conquista del Perú, 97, 98–99 Cristóbal de Molina, 301–304, 308, 311, 314, 316, 318, 400 concern for women, 304 Crónica Mexicana. Títulos primordiales, about which Wood writes in this volume, also occasionally feature paintings, and the whole point of these paintings is to impact veracity and tradition onto the titles. The Inka religious calendar expressed in ritual form a set of agricultural, political, and social transactions that were fundamental to the functioning of the empire. itself a unique latter-day product of the European crusading movement, whose fervour was so quick to die down, but was kindled again and again with consequences no one could have foreseen” (Heer 1962: 122). 15, 73), on the other hand, conflates this occasion with the initiation of the young men of Oma during the preceding month. . Spanish administrators and missionaries thus became agents of the spread of standardized forms of Quechua and Aymara. PEASE, FRANKLIN 1981 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: Mitos andinos e historia occidental. Losada, Buenos Aires. . The reason for the difference is not primarily the place of the Andean region in any sequence at any particular time, but the lack in the Andean highlands of the strong Mesoamerican tradition wherein a splendid stone temple was the primary symbol of the sociopolitical unit. The annals history in the Codex Mexicanus, for example, begins when the Aztecs leave Aztlan (Fig. The response, or, more accurately, the re- 27 Angeliki E. Laiou sponses, of the Spaniards to Nahua Christianization is a case in which such a dialogue between attitudes and responses is evident; I wonder how widespread such phenomena were. In The Codex Mendoza (Frances F. Berdan and Patricia R. Anawalt, eds.) que es donde el ano comineza llamareis Pucoy quillaraymequis que es nuestro mes de diciembre. Photograph courtesy of the Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico. Postconquest scholarship and thought have changed because of the nature of this recent research. The early Testerians fit within the overall Franciscan approach to teaching Christianity to the Nahuas by using illustrations (Glass 1975). In Of Time and Measurement: Studies in the History of Horology and Fine Technology. Historia Andina 12. In October there tended to be insufficient rain for the young crops, while the rain in March made it a good time for plowing. The above-quoted Quechua narrative of Concha’s origin ends by stating that a then-living man named Cristóbal Chauca Huaman was Yasali’s grand15 The building with the cross is larger than adjacent ones and seems to be lightly whitewashed. Usachipuway kawzayta Purum tazqi hupaykuywa[y] Dios zizaq inkill wiwa Maymantañach, Aquyayta Usachiyman, qam mamayta 60 Qatachilla[y]. At a more complex level, scholars have traced the transfer of techniques and personnel from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic states, especially Spain and Portugal, in the fifteenth century (Heers 1961; FernándezArmesto 1987: 96–148, 203–222). HORCASITAS, FERNANDO, AND SARAH O. . Fig. Escritura y conflicto étnico-social en la América Latina 1492 – 1988. According to Cieza de León, the “abominable sin” was roundly condemned by the Inkas (1986: 198– 200). : 361). . As soon as the boat touched water, the women called at the top of their voices, “Give us water, Pedro Batán!” and the men cried, “Give us water, Mama Capyama!” The president of the community and the Alcalde Campo stood at the shore pouring anise liquor into the lake and showering the waves with coca leaves (Fig. He claimed instead that the lands subject to Texcoco were equal to those of Tenochtitlan, citing Motolinía as his authority. About fifty flank the cross facing the lake, with the ceremonial mesa or offering “table” (a cloth) before them, and some fifty women sit facing the men. Indeed, there was so much legal wrangling that a “class of Spanish lawyers made its living by encouraging or provoking Indian litigation” (1964: 54). ): 209–240. (Guaman Poma 1980: 235) 335 Sabine MacCormack Fig. Concealed from Spanish churchmen and census takers, barricaded from the contaminations of Spanish society, these women were systematically withdrawn from Spanish religious institutions and civic offices. In contrast to these Mexica accounts of the past, the Acolhua traditions recorded by Alva Ixtlilxochitl (writing ca. A possible third addition to these two comes from Santos Reyes (of the Chalco region), which not only has a similar hand but also employs the final “c,” adding it to “espiricto satoc” (for espiritu santo, Holy Spirit) and “quiniyetoc” (for quinientos, five hundred) (AGN T 3032, 3: 276r, 277r). In preparation for these events, colonial judges asked communities to draw up a “true painting of the village, its lands and water, and bring it before his grace. ANONYMOUS 1951 Vocabulario y phrasis de la lengua general. Without the constant guidance of ministers, they “let everything drop and forget their very selves” (se olvidan de sí mesmos; García Icazbalceta 1889: 82). But if, at this time, Andeans could no longer imagine removing Spaniards from their soil and skies, at least they could struggle to carve a space of dignity within the confines of colonial vigilance. The range of what has come to our notice as forms of tradition was understood already (for the most part) by natives and Spaniards as important places/sites of negotiation and contestation, and hence they are historically conditioned as privileged forms of tradition. Historia Mexicana 39: 663–675. One of his wives was Urpay Huachac, the mother of marine fish and fowl (Taylor 1987). The Nahuas’ formal conversion to Christianity, characterized by mass baptisms and other enthusiastic displays, quickly became legendary as a “spiritual conquest.” The chronicles of the friars, on which this legend depends, predictably glorify the achievements of the evangelizers while representing the native people as passive and childlike recipients of the Word. José Porrua e Hijos, Mexico. ): 271–292. 2, 3). In Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México, vol. The debate was far from irrelevant to the debates that followed the Spanish expansion into America (Elliott 1964: 45–50). 1 Frontispiece, portada, from Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva corónica y buen gobierno, ca. . 1571– 78]. This new context has to do with the payment of tribute, or more precisely, rentas, using the Spanish word. It appears to me that at least two distinct indigenous literary traditions took shape in these formative years, one overt and the other covert, and in both we can trace the strands of continuity and change. 163 Elizabeth Hill Boone Baralt 1988: 125).22 Valadés was attempting to show the Franciscans in Mexico as pioneers in this method. . He included in his Rhetorica christiana an explanatory chapter on developing memory, and he additionally created his own mnemonic alphabet to aid in remembering. 15, 1: 79v (an example from April 29, 1636). We're sorry but Carta Green Point doesn't work properly without JavaScript enabled. 14). Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J. MANDELSTAM, OSIP 1971 Slovo i kul’tura [1921].Translated as “Word and Culture” in Osip Mandelstam, Selected Essays (Sidney Monas, ed. 6) of a coat of arms granted in a 1545 cédula by Charles V to Felipe Tupac Yupanqui, kuraka of Cusicanqui de Pacajes. They had had relations and connections with the Germans for a long time: in the tenth century, they had paid tithes to the German bishops, but had subsequently thrown off their dependence. GLASS, JOHN B., IN COLLABORATION WITH DONALD ROBERTSON 1975 A Census of Native Middle American Pictorial Manuscripts. Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, New York. BHABHA, HOMI K. 1992 Double Visions. Green Point. 1991 The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion. Both traditions contain strands of continuity and change. The significance of the kinship ties believed to exist among the native divinities is that these ties formed, first of all, a nexus between local Andean religious beliefs, and then it connected this local network to broader pan-Andean beliefs that allowed for the simultaneous recognition of large-scale interregional cultic centers such as Pachacamac as well as local ones. Before the Spanish conquest, rank would have been society’s principal concern; colonial rule, however, introduced the added complexities of “race,” and Guaman Poma exhorted Andeans to marry in kind. This paper will first review the Pre-Columbian books and then treat their variable destruction and preservation in the years after the conquest. Antuñano had a copy of the image of Christ made and then had it passed through the streets. These range from weeding and keeping birds and foxes away from the young crops to weaving cloth for the community and for tribute payments. Native Peruvians had experienced the arbitrariness of power before the Spanish invasion, but not vis-à-vis this particular dynamic, encrusted with legalistic form and a social logic of greed. Both picture and glyphicly name the property owner, and both indicate glyphicly the type of the soil (Williams 1984, 1991).26 The cadasters here are in the form of registers, but many (I would venture to say perhaps most) land records were maintained in a map format, like that of the Oztoticpac Lands Map. The Triple Alliance city of Texcoco, which governed Tepexpan in preconquest days, is not much mentioned. 9–9v) Nativist religious practices were exuberantly anticolonial: while Andean huacas were celebrated, Andean foods prized, and Andean rituals exalted, Spanish gods were condemned, Spanish products banned, and Spanish rites vilified. Each brocade band repeats the motifs with minor variations but without a sequential order among them. It consists of a legalized register of community members who claim water-use rights for the coming year and ask for the lake’s favor. )” (1992: 155). He consequently proposed what he called a “bold” hypothesis, namely: . Somewhere along the line, this third lineage must have intermarried with the town founder’s descendants, for one of its members would claim in his testament of 1715 to be the great-great-grandson of the town founder. 90 16. 222 Stephanie Wood another were presented to the courts to uphold an individual’s or a faction’s particular interests does as well. CONCOLORCORVO (ALONSO CARRIO DE LA VANDERA?) 7). Despite how these events were recorded, many títulos preserve a memory of the more recent congregación activities. por el Bachiller Joan Pérez Bocanegra, presbítero, en la lengua quechua general. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth and Baltimore. Such reports were slow in coming from authorities in Mexico, however, and the Spanish monarch was to continue to insist on tribute information for much of the sixteenth century (Baudot 1983: 63; Simpson 1982: 149–150). 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